Africa Talks

Chinese Ships Deplete West Africa’s Fish Stocks

Salem Solomon — Mon, 31 Jul 2017 00:56:27 +0000

Overfishing off Africa’s West Coast continues to threaten food security, natural ecosystems and local economies.

That’s what my recent reporting, in collaboration with Zhan Yang and Teng Xu in VOA’s Mandarin service and Ricci Shryock in our Africa division, uncovered. Foreign trawlers, mainly from China and Europe, have cost West Africa 300,000 jobs and $2 billion in income, according to John Hocevar, a marine biologist with Greenpeace.

For families in small communities on the shores of Mauritania, Senegal, The Gambia and nearby countries who have fished the seas for generations, tradition and culture have been lost.

TRANSPARENCY, COOPERATION

So, what can be done?

A combination of technical, legal and political solutions is needed. But these efforts won’t work without transparency and multinational cooperation, according to André Standing, an adviser at the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.

Some initiatives are underway to address the problem, but governments and international organizations are hobbled by a lack of data and transparency. This prevents information sharing and interagency cooperation, according to Todd Dubois, assistant director of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Fisheries Office for Law Enforcement.

Coordination among West African nations is critical for improved regulation. Two or more countries share two thirds of the fish stocks in West Africa, according to a 2012 report by the Fishery Committee for the Eastern Central Atlantic.

Such cooperation should take the form of a regional governing body, according to Greenpeace, Standing and other experts. It’s a proven model in other parts of the world that could help in monitoring and publishing information about exactly who is fishing where. Presently, even such basic records are lacking.

“ Governments in the region should start publishing whom are they licensing, what are they getting paid, what are the conditions of those licenses, and what are the contracts that surround those licenses.”
André Standing

To learn more, check out the full report on VOA, read on-the-ground reporting from VOA’s Ricci Shryock and watch this video:

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At first sight, the fishing wharf in Joal, Senegal is teeming with boats, their nets full of wriggling fish. But look a bit closer and you see an industry in crisis. Ricci Shryock reports for VOA from Joal, Senegal.

As Warring Groups Blame Each Other, Famine Haunts South Sudan

Salem Solomon — Sun, 23 Apr 2017 03:45:49 +0000

South Sudan’s government of President Salva Kiir and the opposition, led by former Vice President Riek Machar, blame each other for the crisis in the country. Meanwhile, civilians in famine-declared regions suffer.

Among the countries in Africa facing food insecurity, famine has so far been declared only in South Sudan. On top of fighting hunger, people are trying to survive a much bigger man-made problem: government forces attacking civilians, according to Human Rights Watch. “There would be no famine right now in southern Unity were it not for years of consistent, constant attacks by government forces against civilians and against the livelihoods of those civilians,” said Jonathan Pedneault, a South Sudan researcher with HRW.

Pedneault said government forces are burning villages and killing people who venture into their fields to cultivate. Civilians who spoke to HRW said that the government has betrayed them, and a lack of safety and security have caused famine. Chaos and desperation have forced people from their homes without a chance to salvage anything. Some families are fleeing their homes for the second or third time since the conflict began three years ago. “Everyone is tired. The people I met had just arrived in the area of Nhial following several days of walking through the swamps. Those are mosquito infested swamps with snakes and lots of wildlife,” he said.

“ There would be no famine right now in southern Unity were it not for years of consistent, constant attacks by government forces against civilians and against the livelihoods of those civilians”
Jonathan Pedneault, South Sudan Researcher with Human Rights Watch

As famine continues to decimate parts of South Sudan, warring parties point fingers and prevent aid from reaching the people who need it most. Food aid reached 71,600 people in Leer, one of the worst-hit areas, in March, but many families are still relying on the roots of water lilies to feed themselves.

Famine is the highest level of food insecurity, meaning 20 percent of households experience an extreme lack of food and starvation and death are rampant. in other parts of the country, emergency levels of food insecurity have been declared due to humanitarian groups’ inability to reach those in need.

POINTING FINGERS

In interviews with VOA’s Daybreak Africa, representatives of both sides—the government of President Salva Kiir and the opposition led by former Vice President Riek Machar—refused to take blame for the crisis.

“We are not violent. It is the government that is violent,” said Lt. Col. Lam Paul Gabriel of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-in Opposition (SPLA-IO). “We are on a strict order from Riek Machar not to engage the government in any attacks, so we have been on self-defense every single moment.”

Gabriel said there is a “genocide” in areas of the country inhabited by the Nuer ethnic group. Speaking from the Uganda-South Sudan border by phone, he said the opposition leader, Machar, is under house arrest in South Africa and unable to return to South Sudan.

“If we want peace to come, release him from South Africa, bring him to a table, create a condition in a faraway [place] where they can sit and talk and iron out their differences,” Gabriel said. “These dialogues should really be inclusive, and then we are very sure that peace will come.”

A U.N. Human Rights Council report released in March found that government security forces, including the SPLA and the National Security Service, attacked the Nuer and other non-Dinka ethnic groups, who they believed to be helping the rebels. The report also found soldiers using rape as a weapon of war.

Since December 2016, the National Security Service has prevented eight aid organizations from delivering assistance to rebel-controlled areas, the HRC reported. According to the U.N., 82 aid workers have been killed in the country since 2013. The U.S.-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) reported that assistance has kept people in Leer and Mayendit alive since February. But, as of early March, access to aid has been denied in the city of Koch.

“ Those people are really at the end of the rope. I think after three years of war, they want peace, they need peace and they need government forces to stop attacking them. This is a perfect storm.”
Jonathan Pedneault, South Sudan Researcher with Human Rights Watch

In an interview, Ateny Wek Ateny, a spokesman for the Kiir government, denied there was a problem. He claimed South Sudanese of various ethnicities are “happily living side by side.”

“The government of South Sudan is only defending itself while it is attacked by the bandits who are armed and trying to cause havoc in the country,” Ateny said. “Why would the government of South Sudan fight its own people?”

SEEKING ACCOUNTABILITY

For their part, aid workers and human rights groups say it is time to drop the excuses, halt the conflict and find a solution. In the meantime, Pedneault said, civilians are caught in the middle of it all.

“Those people are really at the end of the rope. I think after three years of war, they want peace, they need peace and they need government forces to stop attacking them. This is a perfect storm,” he stressed. “This is man-made, and it is quite unfortunate that up until now people who are responsible for that have not suffered the consequences of their actions.”

This story used interviews aired on VOA’s radio programs, with contributions from South Sudan in Focus’ Ayen Bior and Daybreak Africa’s James Butty. Bior’s interview starts at about the 1:43 mark (link here), and Butty’s interview starts at about the 10:23 mark (link here).

Ethiopians Demand Answers Following Landslide

Salem Solomon — Thu, 16 Mar 2017 04:47:59 +0000

When Werknesh returned to her home of 30 years last Saturday night, it was buried beneath a landslide of garbage. Her pregnant daughter and three grandchildren were dead.

“Our children are covered under the soil. We didn’t know anything,” she told VOA’s Amharic Service in a phone interview. “It sounded like an explosion, and then covered everyone with soil. There are bodies that have not been found until now.” Six people died in her home that day, she said.

Werknesh’s family was among those killed in the March 11 landslide at the Koshe garbage dump, located in Kolfe Keranio, one of Addis Ababa’s 10 subcities. The death toll has reached over 100, with many women and children among the dead.

Located in Kolfe Keranio, Addis Ababa’s most populous subcity, Koshe is a sprawling landfill, spanning about 1 kilometer along its longest side.

Werknesh – who spoke on condition that her last name not be published — has recovered the bodies of her family and is preparing them for a funeral.

She criticized officials for what she called their slow response. “The government didn’t even order an excavator. I had to pay for an excavator out of my own pocket,” she said.

WORKING TO SAVE LIVES

Ethiopia’s Minister of Information, Negeri Lencho, said the government has been working around the clock to rescue those trapped and does not yet know what triggered the disaster. “The government is exerting maximum efforts to save lives, and the cause and reason have yet to be investigated,” he said, speaking in Amharic. He added that the landfill is not a solid structure and is susceptible to slight disturbances. “The garbage is not made out of concrete or is not made out of natural rock,” he said. “We will give details when all things are investigated and the cause is known, and it could also be that, because the background isn’t strong, it can fall apart on its own.”

“ I felt like this was the apocalypse. What you see from this point on is dangerous. As you can see, it’s all hanging.”

The landfill is more than 50 years old and home to over 300 people, some of whom live in makeshift cardboard and plastic shelters near its edges. About 500 waste pickers climb the mound each day looking for recyclables and other valuable goods as vultures circle overhead. It is Addis Ababa’s largest dump, and about 300,000 tons of waste are added to the pile each year.

The government has ordered three days of mourning, but people affected are still looking for answers.

A young resident of the Koshe neighborhood who was mourning a family member told a VOA reporter in Addis Ababa that the accident felt like the end of the world. “What can I say? I felt like this was the apocalypse. What you see from this point on is dangerous. As you can see, it’s all hanging,” he said, gesturing to a rubbish pile.

In the wake of the Koshe landslide, hundreds of people were killed, injured or displaced.

Chairman of the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) Adane Tilahun told VOA that the government and the city administration should take responsibility for what happened due to years of negligence. “The Addis Ababa administration that has been dumping trash has also been witnessing that people lived there,” he said. “Instead of moving the residents to a better space for living, the administration didn’t do that, and people who don’t have shelter have been victimized as a result. They should be held to account.”

The city’s mayor, Diriba Kuma, said that his administration is focused on helping people evacuate and avoiding additional loss. “We are making sure that they settle in places far away from the area, and we are also providing humanitarian assistance,” he said.

The cause of the collapse is not yet known, but several survivors who spoke to VOA blamed the government for destabilizing the garbage by pushing it to one side. Others pointed to a biogas plant under construction, which connects to the landfill via pipes and wells. The U.N. Development Program is working with local authorities and Addis Ababa University to capture methane produced by decomposing organic matter at Koshe. Through the project, the city will receive revenue from the sale of carbon credits and aims eventually to close the landfill.

BROADER CHALLENGES

For city administrators, helping victims of the landslide is not the only challenge. Despite unprecedented economic growth across the country, many residents in Ethiopia’s capital and largest city struggle to find employment and receive basic services.

Over a quarter of households have an unemployed adult, and 22 percent of the city’s population live below the poverty line. Less than half of residents have reliable access to clean water, and under 30 percent have sewerage services, according to figures compiled by the World Bank in 2015.

From 1994 to 2017, the population of Addis Ababa rose by 1.5 million people. It’s expected to double from 4 to 8 million in the next 13 years.

A booming population means city officials will be further challenged to meet the needs of all inhabitants. Addis Ababa has nearly doubled in size since the 1990s, and the World Bank projects its population will reach 10 million — more than twice the current size — over the next two decades.

“ We are scared and we are spending day and night outside because of that. We have no idea what to do.”

For now, residents of Koshe simply want the government to prevent future disasters at the landfill.

In a tent set up near the site to mourn the dead, Aberash Aleneh said people want both answers and assistance.

“The problem is not over,” she said. “We have to think about burials. We have to feed people and get everyone together. That’s what we are doing. However, there are people on the brink of life and death with their homes still hanging as the ground moves. What is the government thinking about doing for them? We are scared and we are spending day and night outside because of that. We have no idea what to do.”

Tizita Belachew, Meleskachew Amiha, Eskinder Firew and Tsion Girma contributed to this report

A version of this story originally appeared on the VOA News website.

Perilous Journeys

Salem Solomon — Tue, 14 Feb 2017 13:38:36 +0000

Imagine if your home became unlivable. If your government targeted you because of your beliefs. If war broke out and your neighborhood were caught in the crossfire. If severe droughts threatened your ability to feed your family. Would you stay put and hope for better times? Or risk everything for an uncertain future in a foreign land?

These are the impossible choices faced by thousands of people in Africa and the Middle East every day. Should they remain in their home countries and face certain persecution, or embark on an unpredictable trek that may take their lives? Should they keep their families together, even in a war zone, or split up and risk never seeing one another again?

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Last year, more than 5,000 people died crossing the Mediterranean. That was an increase of 1,300 from 2015, despite fewer people crossing. Shifts in travel routes have made the journey across the Mediterranean from Africa to Europe far more treacherous — the odds of dying have spiked from 1 in 265 to 1 in 73. Overall, about 360,000 people successfully crossed the Mediterranean last year.

BEYOND “PUSH” AND “PULL”

For someone who lives far from this crisis, it can be hard to comprehend how people become migrants and refugees. Thinking of decisions to leave home in terms of “push” and “pull” factors can help. “Push” factors are negative forces at home that make people want to leave. “Pull” factors are positive factors in another country that entice people to travel there.

These variables shape the life-and-death decisions would-be migrants make, but they don’t tell the whole story. Too often, they oversimplify the complex decisions that transpire when hope for a better future mixes with desperation in the present. Leaving home requires people to give up professional networks, familial bonds, a familiar language and much more. And arriving in Europe often means grappling with discrimination, economic hardship and detention.

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

This project puts you in the shoes of a potential migrant to answer an important question: what would I do? The goal of the project is to show how overwhelming the decisions faced by migrants and refugees are and how many people are left with little to no good options. It will bring readers close to people’s lives and prompt them to be active participants.

There are 35 factors included that give a general understanding of what pushes a migrant to leave the African continent and the Middle East and what pulls them toward Europe. By answering the questions in this interactive format, we hope to offer a more nuanced understanding of why people are fleeing in such large numbers and what can be done to address the problems. Here is a link to begin the journey. We welcome your feedback.

Begin the Journey

Case of Alleged Smuggler from Eritrea Sheds Light on Deadly Routes and High Costs Paid by Migrants

Salem Solomon — Sat, 06 Aug 2016 22:34:49 +0000

On Oct. 3, 2013, hundreds of migrants died in the Mediterranean Sea. Less than a quarter mile from the Italian island of Lampedusa, their rickety, overcrowded boat began to sink. They set a blanket on fire to call for help, but flames engulfed the ship. The passengers crowded to one side, and the vessel capsized. The official death toll was 368, according to the International Organization for Migration. Others remain missing and likely drowned. Many of the victims, including hundreds who survived, were raped or tortured by traffickers. Those rescued live with emotional and physical scars.

In the wake of the Lampedusa tragedy, authorities set out to crack down on the smugglers and traffickers who had sent the migrants to their deaths. They determined that a vast, organized and well-funded network of traffickers fuels much of the migration in the Mediterranean. For three years, officials from Italy, the UK and other countries have investigated the smuggling and trafficking networks behind the Mediterranean migration crisis.

Despite a coordinated international approach, millions of dollars and untold man hours, the impact of efforts to thwart smuggling rings remains unclear. Dozens have been arrested and face prosecution. Officials have wiretapped hundreds of calls and mapped the scope of the trafficking networks across continents. But the death toll in the Mediterranean is on track to rise for the third straight year, with at least 10,000 additional migrant deaths recorded in the Mediterranean Sea since Lampedusa. Three wrecks in June 2016 alone may have claimed the lives of 700 people, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency and IOM. Thousands of refugees arrive on European shores each month. And at least one high-profile case has raised questions about the methods investigators use to find their targets.

This chart shows the cumulative number of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean in the months and years following Lampedusa.

Initial Successes

Calogero (Gery) Ferrara, an Italian justice department prosecutor based in Palermo, said his team identified key figures in a large network of traffickers and smugglers early in their investigation. One breakthrough came in 2014 when Nuredin Wehabrebi Atta, an Eritrean smuggler, was arrested and agreed to assist authorities as a whistleblower in exchange for protection. Atta painted a gruesome picture of the trafficking system, saying that families of victims were often extorted for money under threat of death to their loved ones. Migrants who didn’t have enough money to pay their ransom, he said, were subject to organ trafficking and sold for about $16,000. He outlined a wide-reaching network that included arms and drug smugglers.

“ They have a very structured organization — (a) very well-organized criminal association with a clear division of roles.”
Calogero (Gery) Ferrara

More arrests followed. On July 4, 2016, Italian authorities arrested 25 Eritreans, 12 Ethiopians and an Italian thought to be involved in smuggling after a raid on a perfume shop in Italy. Over €526,000 (about $578,000) and $25,000 in cash were discovered in the raid. Authorities also found an address book that contained names of smugglers, according to Reuters.

However, Ferrara said the investigation, codenamed Glauco, was fraught with challenges from the beginning. Trafficking networks are vast and difficult to infiltrate. Smugglers go to great lengths to conceal money transfers. Investigators often must work from a distance, retracing routes from clues that migrants bring when they land in Europe. Even migrants’ departure points can be difficult to identify. “They have a very structured organization — (a) very well-organized criminal association with a clear division of roles,” he said.

Big Break or Mistaken Identity?

This past May, authorities from Italy and the UK found whom they believe to be a smuggling kingpin in El Diem, an area in Sudan’s capital, Khartoum. El Diem is a popular spot for migrants to play pool and drink tea and coffee. At a small coffee house called Diem, Sudanese authorities apprehended Medhane Tesfamariam Berhe of Eritrea and extradited him to Italy.

Italian and British authorities hailed it as the big break they had spent over a year looking for, but it may be a case of mistaken identify that demonstrates the difficulty of dismantling trafficking networks. Following the arrest, family members and journalists questioned whether authorities had the right person. Victims of the actual trafficker testified in court that authorities had arrested the wrong man. Friends in Sudan who knew Berhe insisted that authorities had the wrong person.

The confusion began with the name. Eritrean names follow a paternal line, and the suspect extradited to Europe only shares the first, or given, name with the wanted criminal, whom authorities initially identified as Medhane Yehdego Mered. This kingpin is suspected of killing and torturing many migrants. By one account, he controlled 4 percent of the human trafficking into Italy.

Michele Calantropo, the Italian lawyer of Medhane Tesfamariam Berhe, said that confusion about the name isn’t the only reason his client should be released. A photo used by prosecutors and circulated around the world via social media did not match the man who was extradited, he said.

“ It’s very strange that before it was a good photo and now it’s not.”
Michele Calantropo

Despite these discrepancies, authorities insist they have the right person, although they now admit to mistakes, including misidentifying the suspect’s name and distributing the wrong photo, according to Reuters. Medhane Tesfamariam Berhe is the name of the ring leader, not Medhane Yehdego Mered, they say. And the photo that circulated in the media, online and in the prosecution’s own presentation materials is of a different, unrelated person. Ferrara, however, maintains they have the right person. “He was operating in Sudan and Libya, so we never saw him. We don’t know his face, but we have 12,000 conversations regarding, concerning him,” Ferrara said.

Medhane Tesfamariam Berhe’s lawyer sees it differently. “It’s very strange that before it was a good photo and now it’s not,” Calantropo said in reaction to the prosecutor’s dismissal of the image.

At a recent closed hearing, authorities presented additional physical evidence. The phone in possession of the individual they apprehended in Khartoum had been used to log in to the same Facebook account and call the same numbers as the person they had been investigating since 2014, prosecutors asserted.

The High Cost of an Arduous Journey to Europe Through the Mediterranean

Human trafficking and smuggling is a lucrative business. Migrants and refugees spend over €1 billion ($1.1 billion) a year, according The Migration Files. Beyond risking inhumane treatment and jeopardizing their lives, migrants pay smugglers and traffickers large sums of money, often at multiple points in their journeys. Most migrants crossing the Mediterranean pay from €5,000 ($5,500) to travel overland through Turkey and into Europe to €17,000 ($18,700) to board a flight, depending on the destination, a spokesperson for the U.K.’s National Crime Agency told VOA. But the NCA said that there are also times when smugglers lower prices to entice migrants to board ships in bad weather.

Whether or not migrants can make good on their payments, smugglers and traffickers find ways to profit. Amanuel Zaid, an Eritrean living in Virginia, knew the extradited Medhane in Sudan. He shared his observations on smuggling networks during his time in the capital city. Smugglers who live in Khartoum have their own employees across countries in the region, he said. When migrants enter Sudan from places like Ethiopia and Eritrea, smugglers take them to a checkpoint called Hajer to determine who has paid the full amount before letting them pass. Those who have not paid are handed off to be sold as commodities. From Eritrea to Sudan, for example, safe passage could cost between $6,000 and $7,500, Zaid said, but there are additional costs to continue on from Sudan to Libya that could total about $1,600.

Countries Work Together in Ongoing Investigations

The NCA collaborates with regional governments such as Greece to stop smugglers through its Invigor operation. It has contributed to the interception of boats in route to Libya with weapons, ammunition and smuggled cigarettes, according to a statement from the spokesperson. Some of these boats are used to transport migrants when returning back, the statement said.

“ There is sometimes a kind of cooperation between gang to gang so that they take the immigrants from here and bring them to another country.”
Mekki Elmograbi

Sudanese authorities also say they are eager to help dismantle trafficking networks. Mekki Elmograbi, the media councilor of the Embassy of the Republic of Sudan in Washington, D.C., says that his government is working with the European Union to bridge gaps and improve the international prosecution system. “The level of understanding between the Sudanese government and the European Union and European countries has reached a very advanced level,” he said. The European Commission recently announced a €100 million ($110 million) aid package to the government of Sudan to address the “root causes of irregular migration and forced displacement” in places including Darfur, East Sudan, and the Transitional Areas of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile.

Elmograbi said there are more than 15 smuggling gangs operating in the region. “There is sometimes a kind of cooperation between gang to gang so that they take the immigrants from here and bring them to another country. So they are acting just like authorities receiving money from people and sometimes abandoning people in the desert letting them to die or even in the sea,” he said.

Smuggling and Trafficking Ring Leaders Still At Large

Medhane Tesfamariam Berhe, meanwhile, remains in prison in Italy. When Sudanese authorities arrested him, they took all his identification documents and didn’t hand them over to Italian or British authorities, said his lawyer, Calantropo. To fill biographical details, Calantropo collected documentation from his family. His sister says that he was born in 1987 in the neighborhood of Geza Banda Tilian in Eritrea’s capital, Asmara. He attended Isak Teweldemedhin Secondary School and underwent military training in Sawa. Like many youth who feel trapped by the system, he fled to Ethiopia and entered the Hitsats refugee camp in April 2014, his sister, Seghen Berhe, told VOA.

During his first hearing on July 4, victims tortured by the criminal who shares his name explained their encounters and confirmed to authorities that they have the wrong person. At another hearing this month, it was ruled that he should remain behind bars until his next court date on Sept. 20. His lawyer’s petition for his release was denied. All the while, Calantropo said, the real criminal remains at large in Libya where he has been since 2015.

This article is a modified version of what was initially published on the Voice of America.

Yes, It Is That Bad: An Imperfect U.N. Report Doesn’t Change the Reality in Eritrea

Rufael Tecle — Sun, 26 Jun 2016 21:32:17 +0000

A recent U.N. report may be imperfect, but that doesn’t change the reality for thousands of victims of human rights abuses in Eritrea.

For 25 years, the Eritrean government has committed egregious human rights violations against its people, according to a new U.N. report. In a June 23 New York Times op-ed, the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center deputy director, Bronwyn Bruton, summarizes some of the offenses:

“ Isaias Afwerki, a former rebel hero, has ruled Eritrea since its independence in 1993. A constitution drafted in 1997 has yet to be implemented. National elections have never been held. Opposition political parties are illegal. Many dissidents have been arrested and have not been heard from since. There are few civil society organizations and no independent media. It is tortuously difficult for Eritreans to obtain formal authorization to leave the country.”

In its June 8 report, the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, an independent body appointed by the U.N. Human Rights Commission, concluded that Eritrean government leaders committed crimes against humanity.

Despite describing human rights in Eritrea as “frightful,” Bruton criticizes the U.N.’s methods and recommendations, concluding that “things aren’t as bad as the report claims.”

By providing a litany of violations and then concluding the situation isn’t “that bad,” Bruton lowers the standard for Eritreans and shifts attention away from a government in urgent need of reform.

POSITIVE DEVELOPMENTS DON’T ERASE VICTIM’S REALITIES

The U.N.’s report, Bruton argues, paints an incomplete picture of life in Eritrea by overlooking positive developments, including progress in the health and education sectors. However, the commission’s mandate was not to document the overall status of the country and all its sectors but to investigate specific concerns and allegations.

Many good things are happening in Eritrea, but this doesn’t change the reality of thousands of victims. Bruton suggests that readers wouldn’t know about these positives after reading the report, but the commission does, in fact, acknowledge human rights developments, including access to information. The report states:

“ A number of foreign journalists were also invited to Eritrea. The commission notes that Eritreans have some access to international news, satellite television and the Internet, particularly in Asmara.”

Bruton points out that Ethiopia also violates the human rights of its citizens but receives little of the condemnation directed at Eritrea. This treatment, however unfair, doesn’t change what’s happening in Eritrea. Many countries around the world face security challenges. Ethiopia may commit human rights violations at similar levels while avoiding censure by the international community, but this does not negate the U.N.’s findings. Eritrea’s human rights violations are not committed by Ethiopia’s leaders.

COMMERCIAL INTERESTS INFLUENCE HOW U.S. THINK TANKS ANALYZE REPRESSIVE GOVERNMENTS

Bruton avoids the brash rhetoric of the Eritrean regime and its supporters, but she advances the same arguments that the government employs to defend its actions.

Bruton argues like a good lobbyist, and her employer, the Atlantic Council, received between $100,000 and $249,000 in contributions from Nevsun Resources, a Canadian mining company with operations in Eritrea. One of Nevsun’s largest projects is Bisha Mine, a venture in which the Eritrean government has a 40 percent stake.

In 2015, Bruton spoke at the annual North America conference of the Young People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (YPFDJ), a diaspora organization affiliated with the ruling party, alongside Todd Romaine, the vice president of corporate social responsibility at Nevsun.

Recent reporting illustrates the growing influence of big money on research groups traditionally relied upon to provide independent analysis. It’s reasonable to conclude that Nevsun sees its contribution to the Atlantic Council as an investment and expects to see a return.

INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL LEGAL MECHANISMS NEED TO LOOK INTO HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ERITREA

In the coming weeks, the Human Rights Council will discuss the committee’s findings and decide if the report should be adopted. That will determine what kind of tribunal will examine the crimes and whether the case should be referred to the International Criminal Court, an organization that has yet to bring sitting leaders who face indictment to justice. The bottom line is that there must be an international legal mechanism to ensure human rights are observed in Eritrea. There is no other peaceful way for Eritreans inside or outside the country to impact policymaking.

Bruton argues that engagement with the Eritrean government is the only way to improve conditions in the country and points to the European Union’s recent allocation of €200 million in development assistance as an example of the right approach. However, she fails to mention that assistance was pledged in the midst of unkept commitments by the government of Eritrea to finally reform the national service program, which Bruton admits “needs to be rethought, and the term of service reduced to a fixed and reasonable length.”

These broken promises highlight the importance of using policy sticks along with policy carrots to ensure that commitments to secure human rights and advance development are fulfilled.

Engagement is a two-way street. The Eritrean government can and should take small steps to help pull itself out of its isolation and must be accountable to its own people. It can agree to receive a U.S. ambassador to the country and, as a gesture of goodwill, release members of the U.S. Embassy staff in Asmara held in detention since the early 2000s.

Honoring the public promises it made to not only limit the national service program but increase the pay of conscripts, even incrementally, would also signal a genuine willingness to engage. These measures could go a long way in fostering a deeper dialogue about tackling migration, settling the border stalemate with Ethiopia and lifting sanctions against Eritrea.

JUSTICE FOR VICTIMS PAVES THE WAY FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS OF ERITREANS

Whatever course the international community takes in response to the U.N. report, this stands to be a defining moment in the history of Eritrea. Those who have stood by as dutiful observers of all things Eritrea should not hesitate to err on the side of the victims of the first chapter of the history of the state. Standing up for those who have been persecuted is an act from which the region and future generations of Eritreans stand to gain.

This article is adapted from a blog post by Rufael Tecle, a graduate of Texas Law with an interest in Eritrea and Horn of Africa affairs. Read more of his writing on his personal blog, redseanation.com and follow him on Twitter at @RufaelTecle.

African Journalists See Great Value in Training, Especially When It’s Delivered Online

Casey Frechette — Mon, 23 May 2016 15:36:07 +0000

African journalists want more training, and they want to receive it online. That’s the key takeaway from our survey of nearly 1,100 journalists working across the continent.

On May 25, we’ll begin sharing detailed results from our study at eLearning Africa 2016, an annual education and technology conference. We’ll focus on responses from small newsrooms at the conference in Cairo, and we’ll highlight ways to deliver blended training — instruction with both online and in-person components.

The findings we’ll present will inform the custom e-learning platform we’re building. We continue to seek input from journalists in Africa as we move toward our goal to create both technology and content designed with an African audience in mind.

THE CASE FOR TRAINING

Journalists find themselves in a precarious position. They work in a fast-changing industry built on a diverse and growing skill set. To do their jobs effectively, journalists need to learn continuously. But, they have little time or funding for training.

African journalists face these same challenges, and then some: restrictive press laws, intimidation from government officials, outdated equipment and inadequate resources.

This creates a great need for professional training but also great barriers to access.

THE TRAINING AFRICAN JOURNALISTS WANT

We conducted a needs assessment to figure out the best ways to approach training for journalists in Africa given the unique circumstances in which they work. Overall, 395 of the journalists who participated in our survey work in newsrooms with fewer than 50 employees. This is the group we’ll focus on at eLearning Africa 2016. Most of these journalists — 56 percent — are reporters. Senior and mid-level editors comprise 20 percent of the respondents, and copy editors and online producers account for another 13 percent.

The largest number of respondents — 41 percent — has worked professionally for less than five years. The next largest number — 28 percent — has worked professionally between five and nine years.

Journalists in small newsrooms see their personal training needs and those of their organizations in similar terms. Most respondents see their newsroom’s biggest training needs as follows:

Investigative Reporting
Engaging Audiences with Social Media
Audience Development / Engagement
Blogging / Web Writing
Multimedia Storytelling

For themselves, the list of the top-five most-requested topics is the same, though more respondents want blogging and web writing help.

What about the training African journalists in small newsrooms already receive? 55 percent of journalists in small newsrooms have taken part in some kind of training in the last year. The five most popular topics are:

Investigative Reporting
Engaging Audiences with Social Media
Blogging / Web Writing
Writing Skills (Clarity, Concision)
Reporting Skills (Developing Sources, e.g.)

There’s a lot of overlap between the training African journalists want and what they’re getting. But it also appears that they would like to see less attention on the core skills of writing and reporting and more on emerging competencies such as audience development and multimedia storytelling.

Meanwhile, African journalists see investigative journalism as the quintessential training topic. It’s both the topic they receive the most training in and the one they most want more of.

THE TRAINING AFRICAN JOURNALISTS ARE GETTING

Journalists in Africa have mixed satisfaction levels with the training they’re getting, though most experiences are positive. For small newsrooms, 59 percent of journalists view the training they’ve received positively, 19 percent view it negatively and 22 percent are neutral.

When it comes to improving the training they’re getting, journalists across all newsrooms share similar concerns. First, they want more training than they’re getting. Sessions are too brief, and they’re too infrequent.

Those who feel less satisfied with what they’re getting cite common concerns. Some trainers spend too much time focused on theory, neglecting tangible skills. Some sessions rely too heavily on lecture, without enough hands-on practice. Content, too, is lacking at times. Respondents felt some sessions were too basic, didn’t incorporate enough African examples and relied on out-of-date tools, technologies and methods.

THE POTENTIAL FOR BLENDED AND ONLINE TRAINING

Almost all — 92 percent — of the journalists in the small newsrooms we surveyed want more training. 77 percent think online training will help them significantly, and another 14 believe it will help somewhat. The numbers are similar for those in large newsrooms, along with freelancers, educators and students.

African journalists want more training, and they’re open to receiving it online and in blended formats. So why aren’t they getting it already?

The vast majority of respondents cited financial constraints as the biggest barrier. Lack of time and an inability to find the training needed are other concerns.

These factors make the flexibility and cost effectiveness of online and hybrid models attractive. But important questions remain about how we can make online and blended training truly effective — and not just efficient — for African journalists.

Online delivery has pros and cons. It’s easier to tailor digital resources to individual learner needs, and it’s often faster and more convenient to access online resources. But the dedicated time and space required of in-person training can facilitate understanding and foster accountability. Many learners and trainers alike continue to value the collaboration possible only with in-person experiences.

Blended solutions that combine both learning formats present one way to capitalize on each format’s strengths. A kickoff in-person session might branch into follow up online. The most popular material can be delivered across multiple platforms, whereas a deeper training library can be made available strictly online. Participant experiences and insights collected in one platform can inform the training delivered in another.

These are a few of the possibilities we look forward to discussing further in Cairo and as we develop our project.

Why Journalists Should Treat Nonprofits, U.N. Agencies and NGOs with Greater Skepticism

Salem Solomon — Sun, 24 Jan 2016 22:45:44 +0000

In a recent Poynter.org story, we argue for greater scrutiny of the figures that nonprofits, NGOs and the U.N. produce. We use a specific statistic from the UNHCR — the claim that 5,000 Eritreans leave the country each month — to illustrate our point.

Over the past seven months, we compiled articles that highlighted the 5,000 statistic and examined how news outlets reported it. It’s appeared in over 40 stories, and it’s often presented as the most striking evidence that unbearable conditions force people to flee Eritrea and risk their lives on a dangerous journey to Europe.

The number is from a June 2015 report into the human rights conditions in Eritrea. Interestingly, the statistic only appears twice in the nearly 500-page document. How it was derived is never explained.

“ Overall, it is estimated that 5,000 people leave Eritrea each month, mainly to neighbouring countries. The trend has been upwards, with a marked spike during the last months of 2014. In October 2014, the registered refugee population was 109,594 in Sudan and 106,859 in Ethiopia.”
Page 43, section 151 of the UN COI Report

Since we don’t know how the U.N. arrived at the 5,000 figure, we can’t assess its merit.

Eye-catching statistics demand attention. They can get readers invested in big problems in far away places, and that’s good for both news organizations and advocacy groups. But interest driven by inaccurate numbers comes at a cost. In the case of the 5,000 statistic, what’s the implication if it grossly underestimates or overestimates the number of Eritreans leaving? Would our understanding of what’s happening change?

More accurate numbers can both change and deepen our understanding. That’s why journalists must push for accountability from the organizations producing the data they rely on. Whether the numbers are for better or worse, there’s only one way to get to deeper knowledge: removing doubt with accuracy and specificity.

Collecting data on complex problems such as migration is very difficult. These issues concern multiple countries, and the dynamics constantly change. Restrictions from governments and limitations of regional partners add to the challenge.

But it’s not enough to conclude that organizations such as the U.N., while imperfect, are the best available sources. If journalists demand clarity and specificity, they create an opportunity to relay qualifiers to readers. In some cases, they may decide that a figure is so questionable that it’s best not to amplify it.

Going a step further, journalists are in a position to hold organizations like the U.N. to a higher standard. By questioning their data collection methods and refusing to publish figures that can’t be substantiated, journalists can encourage more clarity and transparency. They can highlight how gaps in information prevent us from finding solutions to some of the most pressing problems. Misinformation, meanwhile, will only take us further from answers.

Throughout Africa, Presidential Term Limits Accompany a Strong Press

Salem Solomon — Thu, 19 Nov 2015 03:43:18 +0000

Last week, VOA News launched our project exploring how long Africa’s presidents have held office. Some heads of state are notorious for defying term limits, remaining in office decade after decade. Many presidents, however, have been on the job for just a few years. These differences provide a chance to explore how the length of African leaders’ tenures might affect other aspects of society. This post explores one such connection.

Term limits and press freedom go hand-in-hand. Throughout Africa, countries with the longest-serving presidents also restrict journalists the most. When elections are regular and term limits are upheld, information flows more freely.

One way to understand this relationship is by comparing how long Africa’s leaders have been in office with the press freedom ratings of Reporters Without Borders. RWB, a French-based nonprofit, tracks threats to journalists and press freedoms. Their yearly index ranks nearly every country in terms of pluralism, media independence, self-censorship and four other factors. Combined, these criteria result in a press freedom index. Lower numbers mean greater freedom.

This chart shows the correlation between press freedom ratings and African presidents’ terms in office. Presidents who have been in office for many years tend to lead countries with more restrictions on the press.

There’s a positive correlation between these values. The longer a president’s term, the more likely are encroachments on a free press in his or her country.

In the 20 African countries with best press freedom scores, the average presidential tenure is just four years:

This chart shows the number of years presidents have led the African countries with the best press freedoms.

For the 20 countries with the worst press freedoms, presidents have held office for an average of 15.5 years:

This chart shows the number of years presidents have led the African countries with the worst press freedoms.

With few exceptions, the most restrictions on the flow of information occur when presidential terms are longest. The bottom-ranking countries of Sudan and Eritrea, for example, have presidents who have held power for 26 and 24 years, respectively. That’s well above the continent-wide average of 10.29 years.

In a handful of cases, countries have short-serving presidents and large restrictions on press freedom. But a look at the recent past explains why.

In Burkina Faso, for instance, President Blaise Compaore ruled for 27 years until, in 2014, he was forced out. In Egypt, Hosni Mubarak resigned in 2011 after a 30-year term. Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled that same year, after nearly two and half decades in power.

And, in Ethiopia, several presidents have served in recent years, but the post is mainly ceremonial. The prime minister has more clout, and this position was occupied for 17 years by Meles Zenawi Asres, until his death in 2012.

“ Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost.”
Thomas Jefferson

Across Africa, there’s a clear connection between good governance and a strong press.

It’s easy to see why.

Journalism strengthens democracy by shining a light on the institutions meant to serve the public. At the same time, term limits provide room for the press to grow and operate independently. By upholding the limits outlined in their constitutions, African nations can foment a hospitable environment for journalists and, in turn, strengthen democracy across the continent.

FAQ: The Africa Talks E-Learning Project

Casey Frechette — Sat, 26 Sep 2015 21:44:55 +0000

Africa’s tremendous economic growth, political reforms and social changes have intensified the need for a strong fourth estate. Amid these developments, journalists play a vital role. They hold the powerful accountable. They engage the public in debates around critical issues. At their best, journalists build a better, more equitable society.

To excel, journalists need adequate support. UNESCO concluded in a 2009 report that “society has a responsibility to ensure its journalists have the competencies to seek out and interpret information, and the judgment and integrity to communicate it in as objective and unbiased terms as possible.”

High-quality professional training is one of the best ways to bolster African journalism now and in the future.

“ The Africa Talks E-Learning project will provide journalists across Africa with an up-to-date curriculum catered to the realities they face on-the-ground. The project will deliver original course content via a custom platform, reaching journalists and journalism students across the continent.”

This FAQ explores our project goals. For more about the genesis of the project, see the summary of our eLearning Africa 2015 presentation.

FAQ

What is Africa Talks E-Learning?

Africa Talks E-Learning is a new online training project built by and for African journalists. Our goal is to create a library of high-quality original training materials. We will deliver this content via a custom technical platform. The courses will reflect the real-world conditions in which African journalists work. The platform will prioritize access, regardless of connection speed or device.

Why deliver this training online?

Physical training institutes are well-equipped to reach local or even regional audiences, but distance education is the best way to help the largest number of journalists. An e-learning platform can assist journalists in newsrooms across the continent and provide an up-to-date, consistent curriculum.

What role do journalism schools have to play?

African journalism schools have an important role to play in preparing future journalists for the critical work they will undertake. However, ongoing professional development can significantly enhance the quality of journalism, especially in a climate of rapid technological change. Digital innovations have irrevocably affected how journalism is practiced and paid for, and the skills and standards young journalists learn in school will invariably shift as they progress in their careers.

When will the training be ready?

We will launch the project by early 2016. There is a lot to do in terms of preparing both the content and the technical platform, and we want to make sure everything is right. But we also plan to develop the project in stages and get input from journalists throughout the process. Including journalists on the ground and from African institutions will be key to our success.

Do African journalists really need training?

We believe they do. But we would hasten to add the same is true for American journalists, South African journalists, Chinese journalists or journalists anywhere else. Training is important because journalism is a challenging, hands-on process that’s learned through trial and error. Communicating clearly, concisely and precisely about complex topics demands a range of disparate skills.

At the same time, journalism is changing. The digital abilities that were sufficient just a few years ago are being replaced as technology advances. Keeping up with new technologies is an opportunity to inform more people, and journalists should be leaders in this global change.

It’s important to remember that training doesn’t mean something is wrong or substandard. Rather, it’s a way to grow professionally. The very best journalists seek opportunities to adapt and advance, and training is one important way to do this. Since

This growth mindset is important not just for those who seek training but also those who deliver it. Our project will emphasize the value of the experiences, perspectives and solutions our trainees bring to the table.

Is training enough?

Journalists in Africa face challenges beyond what skills-based training can address. Lack of organizational support, restrictions on press freedom and concerns for safety have a big impact on how African journalists do their jobs. In some cases, these conditions create unfair circumstances for local African reporters. They also affect the quality of the journalism produced.

Journalists everywhere — in Africa and beyond — need to be compensated fairly, and their work needs to be valued appropriately. Training is a one important way to cultivate this value. Done right, training can benefit not just the individuals who participate in it but the profession as a whole.

What makes “African journalism” different?

Core skills and values unite journalists in their work, wherever they might be. African journalists are, above all, journalists.

But they also face a unique mix of challenges and responsibilities. Some of these factors are consistent across the continent. Others vary by country or region.

Differences in press freedom, language, communication infrastructure and much more shape the the day-to-day realities of African journalists. To succeed, we believe our project must reflect what journalists face on the ground.

What role will African journalists play in designing the training?

Training designed from afar can help, but it often lacks the practical ingredients needed to be of immediate value. TO address this, we hope to involve African reporters, editors, producers and researchers in every part of our project. This includes determining what training topics to cover, providing case studies and local examples, and defining the goals of the training.

This is why we’ve developed a survey to get input from journalists in Africa on their training interests and needs. We invite you to add your thoughts, and we hope you’ll consider sharing this with colleagues. It’s available in English (https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/at-elearning) and French (https://fr.surveymonkey.com/r/MNKCXHJ).

The survey’s just the first step. More important is the ongoing conversation we hope we can participate in.

What’s the cost of the training?

Our goal is to keep the training materials free or very low cost. We may offer training for free and charge for other aspects of the project. It’s very important to us that the training we develop is accessible to as many journalists as possible. We also want to find ways to sustain and expand our efforts so we can broaden our impact.

Can journalists who contribute content or teaching to the project participate for free?

We will find ways to compensate journalists who provide content, teaching or other expertise to our project. We are exploring these options now, and they may take the form of stipends, access to training materials, or other types of compensation.